Sunday, 28 March 2010
In secular Europe Catholic bashing is fair game
Some of the stories that have emerged are truly tragic and disgraceful, and my heart goes out to the victims. I can understand their anger. It is a kind of rage that probably will last for the whole of their lives however many apologies they receive. That the cases of child abuse reported happened a long time ago, during the 1960s and 1970s, when Benedict XVI wasn’t even pope is inconsequential to them. They want revenge and their target is the pope. However, as Cristina Odone, writes: “This Pope has done more than any other churchman to address the issue of priestly child abuse. He has stopped the practice of turning over priests accused of abuse to therapists, as we now know that therapy seldom helps a paedophile. He has fast-tracked the defrocking of priests found guilty of abuse. He has promoted co-operation, at a diocesan level, between church authorities responsible for canon law and police.”
Apart from a few Catholic columnists like Christina Odone and Damian Thompson, who have defended the pope, the tide is very much in the other direction. Too many journalists seem content joining the dots and accusing the pope of being complicit in the cover-up of child abuse. The impression one gets from the media is that most of the Catholic clergy are child abusers. This is simply not the case. Research in Ireland (SAVI Report, 2002) indicates that 3.2% of sexual abuse victims in Ireland were abused by clergy or religious orders. On the other hand, 80% of perpetrators were known by the victim, who included family members (cousins, uncles, brothers, fathers, stepfathers, etc), neighbours, teachers, babysitters, childcare workers, sports coaches, and youth leaders. 25% of child sexual abusers were children themselves. One has to remember that child abuse has occurred in many secular institutions too.
To be frank, the media never really warmed to Benedict XVI right from the start of his papacy. As a conservative, as a staunch defender of the Catholic faith, as a critic of homosexuality and moral relativism, as a German who was conscripted in the Hitler Youth, and lacking the unique charisma of his predecessor John Paul II this was, I suppose, inevitable. However, Pope Benedict XVI is not a bad man. He is far better many previous popes who were morally and intellectually lacking in comparison. We are simply living in a different age when the authority of the pope in its traditional heartland, Western Europe, continues to decline – a decline that has been underway since the Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century.
In contemporary secular Europe, the role of the church is diminishing fast. Today only a small fraction of the population goes to church on a regular basis. Congregations are falling so much that the survival and maintenance of many churches are under threat. Christians are increasingly seen as misfits in society who are sexist, homophobic, anti-Semitic, sexually repressed, and generally out of touch. They believe in authority and an invisible God. To the modern liberal secularist, who prides in unfettered individualism above all things, Christianity is an anachronism. Yet the products of unfettered individual freedom are all too evident to see: the collapse of the institution of marriage such that nearly a quarter of all children now live in a single-parent family; around 200,000 abortions in UK alone every year; an increasingly unequal society in which class determines one’s chances in life; and rising levels of teenage alcoholism and drug abuse. Christianity is being hounded out of the public space like never before. Unfortunately Christians themselves are complicit in this surrender. As Dinesh D’Souza says in his book “What’s so great about Christianity”: “Instead of engaging this secular world, most Christians have taken the easy way out. They have retreated into a Christian subculture where they engage Christian concerns. Then they step back into secular society, where their Christianity is kept out of sight until the next church service. Without realizing it Christians have become postmodernists of a sort: they live by the gospel of the two truths. There is religious truth, reserved for Sundays and days of worship, and there is secular truth, which applies the rest of the time.”
Modern Europe more or less mirrors the largely decadent Greco-Roman world in which Christianity was born. Modern day European secularists look at other parts of the world and remark with horror about the growth of religious “fundamentalism”. Of course, the religious militants of this world are a grave menace, but what they fail to distinguish is the growth of traditional religion; and Christianity is doing better than other religions even in the most hostile countries. In 1900, there were about 10 million Christians in Africa, representing about 10% of the population. Today there are 360 million, nearly 50% the population. It is estimated that in China there are between 80 million to 100 million members of underground Christian churches, unapproved by the state. To these people Christianity means something; it’s a form of social liberation and emancipation just as it was in the Mediterranean world nearly two thousand years ago.
Some people have said that the latest crisis affecting the Catholic Church is the greatest challenge since the Protestant Reformation. I don’t see it that way. The Reformation was a reaction to the widespread simony and corruption within the medieval Catholic Church. It was an internal conflict among Christians themselves. This crisis is entirely different. Most of the people attacking the Catholic Church are from outside the church, with no genuine interest in it's welfare, so there is unlikely to be a split within the church. What is more likely to happen is that the trend in secularisation will simply continue with renewed vigour. The Catholic Church has to be seen as the institution it is, made up of fallible human beings, but trying to preserve the catholic or universal doctrine based on the witness of all the apostles. Benedict XVI can take credit that today in England and Wales child protection officers monitor every encounter between children and clergy - a fact the British media conveniently ignores. As Bishop of Rome he is successor to Simon Peter, the apostle Jesus entrusted to be the “rock” upon which he would build his church, which according to his words, “all the powers of hell shall not prevail against it.” In the meantime, Catholic bashing is fair game.
Saturday, 13 March 2010
Vailankanni: The Lourdes of the East
- Small town located on the south eastern coast of India in the state of Tamil Nadu, 12km south of Nagapattinam and 350km south of Chennai. It was once a trading port, which traded with Rome and Greece, that gradually lost its commercial importance to the larger Nagapattinam.
- It is associated with two apparitions of Mary and the rescue of Portuguese sailors during a violent storm.
- First appearance: Sometime in the sixteenth century, around 1560, Mary appeared with her infant son to a Hindu boy carrying milk to his master. He was resting under a banyan tree near a tank. She asked the boy for some milk for her son, and the boy gave it to her. On reaching his master’s house, the boy apologized for his lateness and the reduced amount of milk by relating the incident that occurred on his way. His master didn't believe him until the milk jar miraculously began to overflow with milk. Wanting to see the place where the apparition occurred, the man accompanied the boy to the place where Mary appeared. Our Lady appeared once again appeared to both of them. The tank where the apparition took place became known as "Matha Kulam" or Our Lady’s tank.
- Second appearance: Towards the end of the sixteenth century, Mary appeared with her infant son to an invalid boy who sold buttermilk on the outskirts of Vailankanni. She asked him for a cup of buttermilk for her son, and the boy complied. Our Lady asked the boy to inform a certain wealthy Catholic man in the nearby town of Nagapattinam of her appearance. When the boy informed her he could not walk, she asked him to stand up. He was cured of his ailment, and he immediately went to see the gentleman. The man had a vision the previous night in which Our Lady asked him to build a chapel for her. Delighted to see the boy, the man went with him to the site of her appearance. Then Our Lady appeared again to both of them. The man erected a thatched chapel for Our Lady at the site of Her second appearance.
- Rescue of Portuguese sailors: In the seventeenth century, a Portuguese merchant ship travelling from Macau to Sri Lanka encountered fierce storms in the Bay of Bengal. In desperation, they prayed to Mary and vowed to build a church in her honour wherever she led them, if she saved them. The storm calmed down and the sailors came ashore near Vailankanni on the on the feast of the Nativity of Mary (Sept. 8). Falling on their knees in thanksgiving, local fishermen recognized them as Catholics and directed them to the shrine of Our Lady. A few weeks later they started building the church which they had promised to build in her honour. On subsequent visits they improved on it, using rare porcelain plates and statues they acquired in China and elsewhere. The modest church the Portuguese built has been extended many times and transformed to the magnificent basilica it is today.
- It draws around 20 million pilgrims each year - more than any other sacred shrine in India.
- The feast of the Our Lady of Vailankanni or Our lady of Good Health is an annual festival which lasts for nine days, starting on 29 August and ending on 8 September. It draws more than a million and a half pilgrims.
- The pilgrims include people of many faith backgrounds, including Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs as well as Christians.
- Hundreds of miraculous cures are reported by pilgrims every year. Many of these favours are received by non-Christians.
- The Asian Tsunami on 26 December 2004 wrought much destruction in Vailankanni, killing thousands, but miraculously the basilica and 2,000 pilgrims inside were spared of any damage. What makes this more extraordinary is that buildings on the same elevation, further inshore, were destroyed.
Thursday, 18 February 2010
The Roman Empire and its lessons for Europe today
“I came. I saw. I conquered.” Those are the words of Julius Caesar, a key ruler of the Roman Empire, but they could easily have been the motto of Roman generals for centuries. They were infamous for their excesses of greed, lust, and cruelty; but the empire lasted more than six hundred years, during which time Rome managed to conquer and rule over two million square miles, stretching from the Rhine River to Egypt and from Britain to Asia Minor. In subsequent years it has been the example of empire that European powers with imperial ambitions have tried and often failed to imitate.
Although the Romans provided a degree of freedom and stability to its conquered subjects, they were often brutal rulers. Slavery was endemic, accounting for about a quarter of the Roman population. Rebellious slaves and dissidents were tortured and killed in spectacular fashion, ranging from crucifixion to a form of entertainment in amphitheatres. There was little concept of human rights. Yet all this was tolerated for many years, provoking only isolated instances of rebellion.
Controlling a vast expanse of land, covering Europe, West Asia and North Africa, the Roman Empire pulled together very diverse geographical landscapes and cultures. The Romans borrowed much from the Greeks, including their art, philosophy and literature. Roman religion was polytheistic. They were good soldiers, administrators, lawyers and engineers. They built long straight roads, connecting different parts of their empire, as well as elaborate water systems and public baths. They invented concrete, made of lime and sand, and built tall buildings.
The Romans did not look kindly on Christians, who refused to worship the pagan gods and partake in emperor worship. They were seen as stubborn and subversive, and were often persecuted, sometimes severely. Things eventually changed when Constantine became emperor in 324 AD as he favoured Christianity, and set in motion the process whereby Christianity would become the state religion of Rome. He moved his capital to Byzantium, on the boundary between Europe and Asia, and built a “New Rome,” which became known as “Constantinople” or “city of Constantine”.
The legacies of the Romans still endure with us today. In addition to preserving and building upon the Greek ideas of arts and literature, democracy, philosophy, theatre and free speech, Rome made many contributions of its own. The language of the Romans, Latin, formed the common root for the Romance Languages - Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and French – and also influenced the Germanic languages. Their road and water systems were tremendous improvements over previous civilizations. Our modern legal systems, based on trial with a judge, plaintiff and defendant, are derived from Roman law. The final legacy of the Roman Empire is Christianity, which marked a significant change from the classical age. Due to well-paved and well-guarded roads, as well as flourishing trade, the circumstances favoured the spread of the religion.
Rome fell in 410 AD to the barbarians. The pagans blamed the Christians for Rome’s fall, while Christians blamed the pagans. Europe was plunged into centuries of cultural and economic decline known as the Dark Ages, for the relative lamp of civilisation that Rome offered was extinguished. The eastern section of the empire, which came to be known as the Byzantine Empire, lasted more than a thousand years until that eventually fell to the Ottoman Turks.
Augustine of Hippo, probably the greatest theologian in the western church, wrote The City of God, in which he claims that there are two cities, each built on love. The city of God is built on love of God, while the earthly city is built on love of self. In human history, these two cities appear mingled together but in fact they are irreconcilably different from each other. In the end only the city of God will remain. Meanwhile, human history is filled with kingdoms and nations, all built on love of self, which will all wither away no matter how powerful they may be. In the case of Rome, Augustine says, God allowed her and her empire to flourish so that they could serve as a means for the spread of the Gospel; but now that this purpose has been fulfilled, God has let Rome follow the destiny of all human kingdoms, which is no more than punishment for their sins.
The lessons of Rome are equally pertinent today. What we are almost definitely witnessing is another period of cultural and economic decline in Western Europe. Nearly all of these countries are mired in high levels of national debt that will take possibly a generation to pay back, not helped by an ageing population. Economic growth will inevitably be slower than in the past. Meanwhile, other countries such as China, India, Russia and Brazil are growing rapidly. It remains to be seen how far these countries rise and how far Western Europe falls, but the trend seems set. Almost five hundred years of Western European hegemony in the economic and cultural spheres of this world is coming to an end. This is not to say that their legacies won’t last, for those of Rome still last today. They may rise again in the future. As human history shows, nothing is permanent. Empires and nations will continue to rise and fall unceasingly throughout time.
Monday, 18 January 2010
Britain and its immigrants
Britain was once connected to continental Europe thousands of years, and Homo sapiens from the south simply wandered here unchecked. Then around 7000BC melting ice caps raised the sea level and water broke through the fragile chalk bridge connecting Dover to the continent. Homo sapiens had advanced much more by then and would have continued to come to Britain. They were followed by the Beaker people from the Rhine Valley, the Celts from east of the Alps, the Romans, the Germanic tribes (Saxons, Angles and Jutes), and the Vikings. It was the Romans who introduced Christianity. A divided country – Saxon in the south and west, Danish in the north and east – it took a Danish monarch – King Cnut – in 1016 to unite the country. The Norman Conquest in 1066 was actually a war between two Danish tribes: the Normans of France and the Anglo-Danish heirs of Cnut. The Normans did a whole scale corporate takeover of Britain, laying the foundation of the British class system and erecting its chief pillar: the primacy of land ownership as the path to power. The lasting legacies of the Normans are the institutions: the government, the aristocracy, the church and the army. Many of the great castles and cathedrals in Britain were built by them.
During the centuries of Norman rule among the most significant of the new immigrants were the Jews. Due to the church’s insistence that usury was a sin, Jews were invited to perform this important service. Initially they were welcomed by the rulers, given special privileges and guarantees, and they prospered due to their near-monopoly position. They often charged high interest and the natives hated them because they were rich, but slowly the Jews’ growing wealth was plundered in a series of random and greedy taxes, or ‘tallages’. The crusades sharpened animosity toward them even further, as they were seen as infidels, and resentment of the Jews hardened to official disdain. In the thirteenth century Henry III not only plundered them but forced them of their land, which they had acquired in lieu of debts. There were some terrible atrocities, such as the murder of some four hundred Jews on Palm Sunday in 1263, in London, and up to a thousand Jews in 1264. Eventually in 1290, in an act that would resonate across Europe and be echoed by continental monarchs, Edward I expelled the Jews from Britain.
The Black Death in 1348 wiped out nearly one third of the English population. Immigration was encouraged in official circles in order to fill the gaping hole in the labour market. “But if the expert immigrants – the weavers, cobblers, glass blowers and brewers – were sponsored and welcomed by the authorities, they too faced resentment from those less advantageously placed on the social ladder.” The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 led to many attacks on foreigners. But medieval life was rough, and eruptions of violence were relatively brief, punctuated by long periods when no animosity is recorded. As a new Protestant nation, England attracted persecuted Protestants from Europe, mainly from the Low Countries. They were by definition self-reliant, industrious, and independent minded. Protestants rested only on Sundays, while Catholics took a two-day break each week. These qualities later became harnessed into one of the western world’s most powerful characteristics: the Protestants work ethic.
Religious liberty was the overriding reason why many Protestants came. The Jews also made a come-back, fleeing persecution on the continent. They were granted permission to pursue their religion, at first discreetly, but later in public. In 1663 Samuel Fortrey wrote a book in which he stated four reasons why migrants wanted to come to Britain: 1) it was an obliging and temperate land; 2) English law was relatively fair and provided some protection to the individual; 3) England gave newcomers the chance to make a fortune; 4) it offered religious sanctuary. The Huguenots, who fled Catholic France, were a vibrant addition to English life, and helped transform an agricultural economy into an industrial one.
When Queen Anne didn’t produce an heir, England’s leaders chose her closest living Protestant relative, the Elector of Hanover - George I - as her successor. Eighteenth century society received a fresh injection of new blood, in the form of George I’s inner circle as well as many German businessmen, bankers, scholars and artists. Later as Prussia expanded west and south, some two hundred thousand Germans left their war-ravaged country and fled, mainly to North America but also to Britain. They achieved prominent positions in business, finance and industry. Paul Reuter, the son of a Rabbi, started a company that became the leading supplier of international news, primarily financial information, to Britain’s newspapers. There were many German or German-descended bankers in the City: Barings, Grotes, Samuel Montagu, Rothschilds, and the mightiest of them all, Sir Ernest Cassel. Many of the Germans were actually Jews. “Under English law it was still necessary for everyone wishing to naturalise as British to take a Christian sacrament. For the devout this was intolerable, but for a large number of nineteenth-century immigrants it was no great deterrent.” Benjamin Disraeli was Britain’s first Jewish prime minister.
By the time the slave trade was abolished in 1807, “Britain had snatched and thrashed, bought and sold more than two and a half million men and women (mainly men) into the plantation infernos in eleven thousand ships.” The profits were enormous, without which it is unlikely Britain could have mustered the resources to invade and secure India, or power industrialisation. Slavery and racism enforced each other, and for the first time Britons came to think of themselves as ‘white’. Although slavery dwindled racism did not. Nevertheless, the abolition of the slave trade did boost Britain’s image as the “moral leader of the civilised world”. Political refugees, like Giuseppe Mazzini, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, unwelcome in Europe, found a shelter in Britain where there was more individual freedom. Marx and Engels’ historic work – from the Communist Manifesto to Das Kapitol – was to a large extent a critique of British capitalism, at a time when Britain was enjoying an explosion of industrial activity. In the nineteenth century there were other immigrants too from Italy and Ireland. Few immigrants have been less welcome than the Irish, and there were plenty of anti-Irish riots, but by the end of the nineteenth century they had more or less entered the mainstream of British life.
As the British Empire expanded so too did a feeling of British superiority. “Partly it was the very ease of the imperial conquest which confirmed in the minds of Britons the concept of inferior people.” At its largest, in 1914, the empire covered 12.7 million square miles, of which the UK itself accounted for less than 1%. Surely this ‘proved’ that white Europeans were born to rule, and dark natives born to serve? “Very few people knew what went on in the colonies. They were happy to go along with the contorted logic of racist thinking, which insisted that the subjugated populations were too dim for cerebral work, yet simultaneously capable of fearsome cunning.” Religion, science, philosophy and even poetry joined hands to encourage racist thought. A racial pecking order was developed with whites at the top and blacks at the bottom, just above the animals. These ideas flowed naturally from Darwin’s recently formulated theory of evolution. By the mid-nineteenth century, when the ‘lower orders’ had the audacity to rebel against their ‘superiors’, Britain reacted with righteous indignation. “The Indian Mutiny of 1857 was seen as the worst form of ingratitude against the civilising empire-builders. And a few years later in 1865, a similar uprising in Jamaica was put down with unprecedented savagery.” Nineteenth- century Britain was not a good place to be dark-skinned or foreign. “Foreigners” declared the Truth magazine in 1893, “are in fact deceitful, effeminate, irreligious, immoral, unclean and unwholesome.”
After the Suez Canal was cut in 1869, people from the east began filtering to England. The shipping companies were quite fond of their Asiatic Lascars and coolies as they worked harder, for less pay, and were not as keen on drunken brawls as their local counterparts. Nearly a third of men who fought for Britain in the First World War were from the colonies, mainly India, yet the war is remembered as an act of pure British sacrifice. After the war the Indian men were shooed off home. The passport came into use in 1915, which gave governments a new weapon to control migration. However, the number of African, Chinese and Indian men working for shipping companies continued to grow. Some Indian activists began to surface in public life: Uphadhaya, Shapuri Saklatava, and Krishna Menon.
Things got harder for Britain’s Jews as anti-Semitism grew all over Europe. There were marches and rallies, including one notable running fight along Cable Street in east London, but persecution on this scale was no deterrent to those fleeing the far worse oppressions in Nazi Germany. One third of Germany’s Jews managed to escape before the borders were closed, and inevitably this was the third most able to leave. Some of Britain’s well known shops were started by Jewish immigrants: Marks & Spencer, Moss Bros, Burton and Tesco. They started from very humble circumstances, just running a market stall or a rag-and-bone business, but successfully built up their businesses over time. With their growing clout in the higher echelons of power, Zionists such as Chaim Weizmann were able to lobby for a Jewish state.
As in the First World War Britain summoned its colonial subjects to arms in the Second World War. The Indian Army supplied three million men. Many Poles, squeezed between Hitler to the west and Stalin to the east, came to Britain. They fought valiantly for Britain, and this was recognised by Churchill who felt they were “a special case” and offered them settlement. This was the first time a major group of immigrants were formally welcomed, embraced and given assistance. After the war some 345,000 European nationals were recruited by the Foreign Labour Committee to rebuild a war ravaged country.
In the decades that followed many migrants, first from the Caribbean, then from partitioned India, Africa and Hong Kong made their way to Britain. The empire had been widely resented, but also –despite everything – admired. In Gandhi’s words Britain was “the land of philosophers and poets, the very centre of civilisation.” Nehru’s years in Harrow had left him with a keen regard for English manners. “In my likes and dislikes I was perhaps more an Englishman than an Indian,” he wrote. “I returned to India as prejudiced in favour of England and the English as it is possible.” It was financial hardship that prodded the newly liberated peoples to head for England. There was, however, no assistance given to the new arrivals as was forthcoming for the Poles, Czechs, European volunteers and even prisoners of war. Thrown into an unfriendly labour market and a tougher housing market, they inevitably clustered in certain locales.
Among the first Indians to come to Britain were the Eurasians or Anglo-Indians. They were followed by the Sikhs, fleeing a partitioned Punjab, and then people displaced by the construction of the Mangla Dam in Mirpur, Pakistan. Unlike the West Indians, who felt they were British before they came, the Indians and Pakistanis were keen to uphold their cultural traditions. Anti-immigrant feeling, particularly toward non-white immigrants, increased toward the end of the 1950s when the post-war reconstruction boom came to an end. There were ugly scenes in Nottingham, Shepherd’s Bush and Notting Hill. Politicians too easily succumbed to the idea that immigrants were to blame, with little concern for the bullying behaviour of the locals, and police were convinced that the best way to stop violence was to send them back home.
Britain did its best to deter expelled East African Asians, but in the end admitted many of them in anyway. Enoch Powell said Britain must be “mad, literally mad” to permit such an unhealthy influx. “Like the Roman,” he said, “I see the Tiger flowing with much blood.” It didn’t take long for the Indians and Pakistanis to effect sharp changes in the urban landscape and the national lifestyle. Asian owned corner shops sprang up everywhere. Many Asians became prosperous and prominent figures, but the most common experience was social exclusion. In the East End of London daily life for Bangladeshis and Pakistanis was torrid, with the far right National Front inciting much violence. There was also trouble in Southall, which climaxed in the election campaign of 1979 when the National Front organised a meeting in the town hall. The Chinese immigrants, who came mainly from Hong Kong, dispersed much more sparsely across the country, setting up takeaways and fish and chip shops, and faced much less hostility. There were also a large influx of Europeans, including Irish and Cypriots, but they were hardly noticed. At any other time, things could have been quite different.
On ‘World in Action’ Margaret Thatcher said, “Some people have felt swamped by immigrants.” “They’ve seen the whole character of their neighbourhoods change.” Soon after she came to power her government acted quickly to stop an influx of Boat People and a mass migration of Hong Kong citizens. The immigration rules were tightened even further so that only people of demonstrably “British descent” could be considered for settlement. Throughout the 1980s, like the decade before, racist incidents were so common that they “ceased to be news, until the determination of Stephen Lawrence’s parents provoked a front-page search for the murderers of their son (led by the Daily Mail, unusually) and pricked Britain’s conscience.” This was a turning point and there was a major bureaucratic effort to oppose racist violence in theory.
In 1986 the publication of Salman Rushdie’s book “The Satanic Verses” made immigration again a national concern. Anti-racist politics had already made deep inroads into public life, and there were laws protecting the rights of immigrants, but the situation was the kind that opponents of multiculturalism had feared might come to pass. It highlighted there was a new element in the social landscape, one which had no desire to ‘blend in’ or adapt to British ways: fundamentalist Islam. This made people brood on a more literal definition of ‘tolerance’: the willingness to put up with things they did not necessarily like.
Throughout the 1990s the asylum system was so overwhelmed that the British public came to believe all migrants were false, none had a right to be here, and there was pressure on the government to get tough. The British National Party began agitating again. “These foreign spongers were given favourable treatment and precedence over honest Brits,” they declared. “They were stealing our houses, our birthright and our jobs.” In fact, asylum seekers amounted to only a fraction of the people coming to Britain. Thousands more travelled perfectly legally, on tourist, student or business visas, and then simply overstayed, drifting out of reach of law enforcement agencies. Given that these illegal immigrants have no access to either social services or healthcare, no employment rights and no leverage in the housing market, it is unlikely they are here to stay. According to some guesses the illegal economy is worth some eight billion pounds per year. Employers didn’t stop hiring; they just stopped declaring.
Today the general opinion about immigration is not much different than in the past, with renewed calls to tighten immigration rules even further. The long sequence of political reforms since 1962 has been nothing but a wholehearted attempt to restrict immigration, especially coloured immigration. It’s now extremely difficult for coloured immigrants to enter the UK legally. They are not generally taking other people’s jobs, but doing jobs in the so-called 3-D category: dirty, dangerous and difficult. Migrants have kept inflationary pressures down, being willing to tolerate low wages. With an increasingly aging population it will be hard for Britain to underwrite a solid pension system if the labour force is not replenished with younger workers. If it were true immigration is economically harmful then America would be minnow, not a superpower. Francis Walker, superintendent of the US census in 1880 and 1890, wrote a hundred years ago that it was time to halt the exodus from Europe. These people, he said, were “beaten men from beaten races, representing the worst failures in the struggle for existence.” This massive misjudgement is echoed in Britain today.
I do recognise that Britain cannot allow unlimited immigration. The country wouldn’t be able to cope. Strains on social services, social tension and also criminal activity have to be taken into account in deciding how many and what types of people are allowed in. Sometimes they are fleeing natural disasters, political oppression, religious persecution, failing crops or internal conflict. The tabloid newspapers, and an increasingly media savvy anti-immigrant lobby, are all too eager to view immigrants not as individuals but as numbers. The tabloids not only report discord but often sow it.
Looking at all the different immigrants who have come to Britain it’s clear some groups have clearly been more successful than others. The Jews, Huguenots, Indians and Chinese have done very well. Others like the Palantines and the Gypsies were not successful, mainly because they lacked the urban skills required to thrive in British society, and unfortunately for them they got deported. Ultimately it seems that those who bring with them the most useful skills and who can adapt quickly are the ones who thrive. Britain lends a certain degree of leeway and protection for them to do so. There are very few countries in the world that would provide a flat, a school, a hospital and some petty cash for refugees, but Britain does this. This is often more a source of shame than of pride. And I wholeheartedly agree with Winder’s statement that “immigration is, after all, a compliment, a tribute to our opportunity-rich economy, our humane (if overstretched) social services, our historic civil liberties, our rickety but ancient reputation for fairness and justice.”
Friday, 25 December 2009
Book summary: "The Case For Christ" by Lee Strobel

Sunday, 22 November 2009
Book review: "The Last Jews of Kerala" by Edna Fernandes

Saturday, 10 October 2009
The Iraq War, oil and the Nobel Peace Prize
The father of one dead British soldier, Lance-Corporal Shaun Brierley, refused to shake hands with former Prime Minister Tony Blair. Later Peter Brierley said, "I believe Tony Blair is a war criminal. I can't bear to be in the same room as him. I can't believe he has been allowed to come to this reception. I believe he has got the blood of my son and all of the other men and women who died out there on his hand.” Tony Blair, who took this country to war, investing his allegiance with former President George W Bush, a failed oil man with a “tendency to concoct favourable facts” (Dilip Hiro), believed the world had changed irrevocably after 9/11 and pre-emptive action was necessary to make it a safer place.
The main reason given for the war was to find weapons of mass destruction (WMD) which Saddam Hussein was allegedly concealing from the rest of the world. We all know that was hype now. Other reasons for the war were to “liberate” Iraqis from a genocidal dictator; to bring democracy to the country and the wider Middle East; and punish Saddam Hussein who, together with Al Qaeda, was responsible for 9/11. Many people succumbed to the anti-Iraq hype, but many others protested against it, believing that force was not the best solution. Despite the protests, Bush and Blair went ahead with their invasion.
As the dust settles, it becomes increasingly obvious that oil was the main reason behind the war. Even life-long Republican and former chairman of the US Federal Reserve, Alan Greenspan, said so. The US was becoming increasingly dependent on Irqai oil after the Clinton administration introduced the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA) in 1996, which banned trade with Iran; and realising his growing clout, Saddam Hussein threatened to postpone plans to raise Iraq’s output if the US held up Iraq’s contracts for food, medicine and economic infrastructure before the UN Sanctions Committee. This pushed up oil prices and forced Clinton to take the unprecedented step of releasing 1 million barrels per day for thirty days from the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve during peacetime.
After George W Bush took office in January 2001, at the first meeting of National Security Council (NSC) at the White House, the number one item on the agenda was Iraq, and the next NSC meeting was devoted exclusively to Iraq. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld advocated “going after Saddam,” and said, “Imagine what Iraq will look like without Saddam and with a regime that’s aligned with US interests. It would change everything in the region and beyond. It would demonstrate what US policy is all about.” Among the documents later sent to NSC members, was one prepared by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), which had mapped Iraq’s oil fields and exploration areas, and listed American companies likely to be interested in participating in Iraq’s oil industry.
According to a BBC Newsnight report, the Pentagon planners, influenced by neoconservatives, devised a super secret plan, which involved the sale of all Iraqi oil fields to private companies with a view to increasing output well above the normal OPEC quota for Iraq in order to destroy OPEC. Ahmed Chalabi, an Iraqi exile and a front runner to replace Saddam, told The Washington Post in 2002, "American companies will have a big shot at Iraqi oil." In public, however, the justification for the war was Iraq’s WMD and Saddam’s alleged connections with Al Qaeda.
The plan to exploit Iraq’s plentiful oil resources, however, didn’t go as smoothly as planned. The Bush administration realized it would violate the Geneva Convention on War, which bars an occupying power from altering the fundamental structure of the occupied territory’s economy, by denationalizing Iraq’s oil industry; and the highly revered Shiite leader Grand Ayatollah Sistani, as well as other Shiite clerics, held that minerals belong to the “community,” meaning the state. The subsequent insurgency reduced Iraq’s oil output due to frequent attacks on oil pipelines and facilities, and Bush had to approach the US Congress for $2.1 billion to safeguard Iraq’s oil infrastructure. The new Iraqi constitution, endorsed by referendum in October 2005, finally dimmed the prospect of oil privatisation, stating that hydrocarbons are “national Iraqi property.” An auction for Iraq's new oil contracts was held last June, but many major Western companies withdrew their bids at the last minute because of controversial legislation setting terms for foreign investment in the country's oil sector, and for distributing its revenues.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams, who has always been critical about the war, delivered a stinging attack from the pulpit yesterday, even mentioning the evil hand of Satan: "The invisible enemy may be hiding in the temptation to look for shortcuts in the search for justice – letting ends justify means, letting others rather than oneself carry the cost, denying the difficulties or the failures so as to present a good public face." He said it is better if world leaders be patient and be guided by truth: "St Paul tells us to wrap ourselves around with the truth, to be defended by justice and to be impatient only for peace. These are not remote ideals for a religious minority. They are essential advice for those caught up in the anxious, fast-changing world of modern military operations, with the intense, even harsh, scrutiny they get from observers and commentators worldwide." For a man who has often been criticised for his indecisiveness, these were firm words indeed and I admire his courage for such a firm stand.
I was very surprised yesterday that President Barack Obama, who has not been in office for even a year, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Despite his rhetoric about nuclear non-proliferation the prize seemed premature as he has achieved so little. But the Nobel Peace Prize is more than a prize - it is also a statement, and this one is a damning indictment of the policies of the previous Bush administration, which involved the use of unilateral, pre-emptive action with little regard for diplomacy, human rights and ground reality. It remains to be seen if Obama can live to the expectations of the Nobel Peace Prize committee. So far he has made a number of corrective changes to US foreign policy, many of which are welcome, but I think even he will struggle to completely change US foreign policy.